From the website of the Greek SWP
Written by Giorgos Pittas of the Greek SWP (SEK) for their paper Workers' Solidarity.
The
front page of ‘Youth Monday’ (a Greek paper) on the 14th of May
exceeded even the anti-communist propaganda posters of the Civil War: A
suicide by firing a gun in his mouth, drawing on the wall a map of
Greece in crimson blood. The title warns us: "very close to the cliff
..."
The ruling class and their parties are in such panic
that they can’t keep up appearances even. The idea that there can be in
Greece, a leftist government seems repulsive.
But not only
the Greek ruling class are in panic after the elections in Greece and
France. The "markets" and the ruling classes in the EU and around the
world "worry" as SYRIZA "has the opportunity to form the first leftist
government in modern Greek history," said Reuters.
And
this is true. It is not something common, neither in Greek nor of course
in world history, the emergence and establishment of leftist
governments. The industrialists, bankers, shipowners prefer to govern
with the same parties that fund, support and may control policies to
serve their interests.
The leftist governments make their
appearance in history in times of great crisis - economic, social,
political - in conditions of intense class polarization, when the ruling
classes can no longer govern in the old way at the same moment the
people are suffocated. Latin America is a prime example. In Venezuela,
Bolivia, Equador and a number of other countries, in place of bloody
dictatorships that ruled for decades came democratically elected, and in
some cases, leftist governments.
These reversals have not
been predetermined as a result of the economic crisis, neither emerged
from "normal" channels, such as elections. Most emerged from strong
labour movements and uprisings. The uprising, the Karakasi in 1989 in
Venezuela, for example, initiated a hard class war that brought a few
years later the government of Chavez to power. Even when Chavez was
elected president, are the masses of poor workers and farmers who
blocked streets prevented at least two dozen coups and other
provocations of a ruling class that does not give up.
Similarly,
in Greece, the prospect of a leftist government that terrorizes the
ruling class would not exist without December 2008, the culmination of
events that destroyed the Karamanlis government without the 17 general
strikes, small strikes, occupations of ministries and workplaces,
indignant at the squares, the blood of the batons and the chemicals
with which they have watered the streets of Athens. Without this labour
resistance this tsunami of the last two years, without this tremendous
power, we would not be discussing the issue of a leftist government.
This
force is not going to lose the next election that will bring to power a
government of the Left. France 1936 is from this perspective, a typical
example: In elections in May 3, 1936, in a time of economic crisis
similar to today, after hard struggles against the rise of fascists and
strikes for an entire two years the Left - the coalition Socialist
Party, the Communist Party and the Radicals, the "progressive" party of
the bourgeoisie - triumphantly won a majority in parliament.
The
"Popular Front" in the election came down to a very modest reform
program. But the workers did not wait for even a properly formed
government. The entire month of May they went on strikes, demonstrations
and a huge wave of factory occupations. When Leon Blum, the socialist
prime minister of the new government hastily took office, both he and
the leaders of leftist parties called for restraint after "the
Government would review the requests." But these appeals fell on deaf
ears. The workers understand that their action-strike, the occupation,
the demonstration-was the guarantee of victory and in many ways
organized their own committees.
Collective Agreements
On
June 7, French employers' organizations terrified by the explosion
strike,agreed the list of requests was tabled by the union
leadership. For the first time in history, enshrined in collective
agreements, the 40 hr week and paid summer leave.
In
France of '36, the prospect of leftist government further exacerbated
the crisis and gave even more confidence in the working class to build
on its strengths, sharpening the class polarization and creating
conditions of dual power. Next to the leftist governments that were
trying to find compromises with pieces of the ruling class (the same
time that many of them were appealing to the fascists), the working
class began to show the possibility of its own self-organization, the
prospect of democratic workers' councils. The same happened in the same
period in revolutionary Spain.
The prospect of a left
government can reopen such a period today. But this does not mean to
have any illusions about the limits of a leftist government. The
solution will not come from above. Those who, in today's crisis and
class polarization, promise that they can impose even elementary steps,
with an "institutional way", who promised "stability" that would bring a
parliamentary majority delude themselves and sow illusions in others.
First,
because of another government, another power. The economic power that
governs the country will fight in every way for its privileges: Is there
a possibility that domestic bankers and locals to accept cancellation
of the debt or nationalize the banks because they will decide this in
parliament? Industries to accept taxation, prohibition of dismissal an
increase in wages? The media barons to open their media to reflect the
views of the people? Others will threaten to draw out the funds transfer
to other plants, some will lockout, others will hide fuels and
products.
And then what will stop them? The state some
say, but the state is not neutral, it's a class state. Does it stop the
judges who earn a lifetime of wealth from oil bosses? Who will stop them
maybe the police, where one in two voters are supporters of the
fascist Golden Dawn? Let's be clear. The state is on the other side.
The
image of the radical reformist president Allende of Chile defending
with a weapon in his hands the parliament against the Pinochet coup in
1973 shows a dramatic change of the limits they may impose on even the
most honest of leftist governments. On the other side of the reformist
coin we will always remember the "socialist" promises and "realistic
compromise" of Mitterrand, of Gonzales, A. Papandreou and the
descendants (and offspring) of them.
The problem with the
reformists, either right or left, whether honest or opportunist is the
common way they treat the working class. They do not believe that the
working class is the subject that can overthrow capitalism, but rather
that they may impose change from above.In this sense the use struggles
of the working class as to act as pressure to achieve the necessary
compromises. Returning to France in June 1936, Maurice Thorez, then
secretary of the Communist Party said characteristically: "Well, we must
know how to close a strike if its demands are met. But even more, we
must know how to accept a compromise even if they have satisfied all the
demands. "
Disappointment
Then, the
compromises of Thorez led to a number of governments with the
participation of the Left that adapted more and more to the right. "Do
not play the game of reaction, do not undermine our government" was the
message sent to the base of the left every time you go to get back in
the game - in the name of military preparations for the Second World
War. So passed a law abolishing the five-day week and overtime pay, a
huge wave of layoffs and persecution spread to all workplaces and the
end of leftist governments in France came a little later, having sown
the frustration of the working class themselves.
The only
way is for the working class to have its own response to the terror and
misery sown by the capitalists and is to impose its own solution that
there is strength, where we produce the wealth, in the workplace. With
the expropriation of the means of production and alternative
organization of production, economy, society above the needs of the
majority of society and not profit.
It is the path of the
revolution in October 1917 in Russia, they not only occupied the
factories, but claimed the right of the revolutionary workers, peasants,
men and women to discuss, decide and govern themselves by
representatives elected directly and recallable the real workers
'democracy of the soviets, the workers' councils’. Replacing and not
hesitating to overthrow the provisional parliamentary government a few
months before they had defended it against the coup of Kornilov.
With
the same intensity that we defend the left government against any
attack from the Right but do not hesitate to show the only real solution
to the crisis, the revolutionary overthrow.
Over the last
twelve months, hundreds of thousands of activists and militants claimed
the squares for direct democracy. They occupied the ministries and
paralyzed the center of power. Put in their hand the most "sacred", the
property of their factory bosses their newspaper. Committees at the base
built to overcome the bureaucratic leaderships of selling out in the
unions, workers' control at the point of production. It is in these
steps is the hope to win.
SYRIZA compromises
If
SYRIZA found strength to take the command from the President of the
Republic, the other side took advantage of the situation to increase
pressure on the left. The problem is not that SYRIZA failed to form the
government of the Left. This did not come with any way of parliamentary
combinations or relations. The problem is that this effort by the ruling
class tried to see how much water can be put in the wine of the Left,
and SYRIZA they constantly retreat.
The very participation in the
meeting with the leaders of the New Democracy and PASOK was a first
retreat. SYRIZA accepted the pressure that makes it harder to form a
government and tried to look "responsible for power". The letter of
Alexis Tsipras to the EU was another such step backwards.
The
appeals to the leadership of the EU to "rethink the whole framework of
the existing strategy, since not only a threat to social cohesion and
stability in Greece, but also a source of instability for the same
European Union and the Eurozone" is typical. As is clear: "It's deep
belief that our problem is a European crisis, and thus at European level
must find the solution." If one considers that European leaders do not
know how well their interests and how the Left would be convinced that
we must stop the simplicity or else it will collapse the European Union
and the Eurozone, As a culmination of this logic in a statement of
Alexis Tsipras, they told CNBC that he will do everything not to go take
Greece from the Eurozone.
Euro
SYRIZA seems to accept that not even a direct break with the memorandum is required.
The
meeting of three leaders with the President of the Republic, Papoulias
asked Alexis Tsipras: "reconsideration or reversal of the current
European policy?" To get the answer: "We are not talking about
unilateral actions. There should be a radical change in this policy.And
if you ask will tell you that we mean that we have and the Financial
Stability Pact to be reconsidered. Not only we call for it, say the
forces that play an important role in European affairs as the new
President of France Mr. Hollande.”
The denial of
"unilateral action" means that the supposed Left government SYRIZA will
not stop the Memorandum, will not stop paying the debt, but will enter
into a process of discussion, hoping that Hollande, the leader of his
brother's party PASOK in France, will be able to change the balance of
the European Union. This is a logical center-left coalition government.
Regarding
the debt, even at the elementary issue raised in the meeting of heads
on whether to pay a bond that remained outside PSI and ending within
days, Alexis Tsipras asked in terms of ... Papademos: "The problem with
this bond has not disclosed on May 7.It was a problem long before we
knew. So the Government should have a strategic plan to deal with
it. Once we have a specific recommendation on the part of Mr. Papademos
will be placed to deal with in substance. We have thoughts on how we can
manage this. But I think useful and crucial to have the view of Prime
Minister." If the Left is reluctant even to propose a default in bond
Samaras even discussing whether they should be paid, then what would you
do if a government was faced with the beasts of the international
financial markets?
The fifth point of further proposals
for SYRIZA leftist government does not even reason for partial
deletion. "To establish an international commission to monitor the
onerous debt and put a moratorium on repayment." . So did the issue of
return of privatized public companies, something that exists in the
program of SYRIZA. They began to behave like a finance minister who
ignores the commitments of his party before even given a chance to sit
in the ministerial chair.
The three days that the Left was
investigating whether it can form a government are very instructive on
how many concessions will be pressed and if so will cope. The battle
with the Memorandum and frugality- no minister and prime minister will
do it for us. Especially if you are so confused and scared in front of
the big dilemmas opened by the crisis.
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